In the previous articles, we witnessed how divisionism based on region and ethnicity plagued the Kayibanda regime. In this piece of the serialised narrative, we will realise that the second republic, under Juvenal Habyarimana, witnessed the most divisions. It went on to the clan and family level. In spite of the fact that Gisenyi Prefecture had a population of 9.7 per cent of the total Rwandan population, 15.6 per cent of the places in schools were allocated to it. Between 1978 and 1990, Gisenyi, Kigali and Ruhengeri prefectures received 51 per cent of the total budget allocated to all provinces compared to less than 25 per cent received by the four provinces of Gikongoro, Kibuye, Cyangugu and Kibungo. Gisenyi and, to a lesser extent, Ruhengeri grabbed positions of responsibility both in government and private institutions. In government institutions, 50 per cent of managerial posts were occupied by people from these two provinces. The diplomatic posts and access to regional or international organizations were equally reserved for people from particular regions. The segregationist policy of ethnic and regional balance or quotas was approved as a good policy of fairness, intended to distribute equitably the wealth of the country. Rwandan bishops echoed this to their flock. However, it was obvious that such a policy could neither please everybody nor produce all the purported benefits. The policy of ethnic and regional balance undermined the Second Republic significantly. It was significantly contested by the democratic forces, which pushed for change. The policy ended up leading the MRND regime to its downfall in 1994. At the end of the 1980s, poverty had by far exceeded acceptable levels. The wealthy people got hold of the best arable land. Famine and deprivation became endemic. A government commission set up in 1990 admitted that 54 districts faced food deficiency. The most affected provinces were Butare, Gikongoro and Kibuye between 1988 and 1990. The production of beans and bananas declined by 50 per cent and 30 per cent, respectively. Rwanda was no longer immune to social conflicts with such disparities. The situation deteriorated due to the combined effects of the Structural Adjustment Program (currency devaluation of November 1990 followed by another devaluation of June 1992). This was in addition to the consequences of the war and the get-rich-quick mentality of the regime barons. The Akazu established its monopoly on all profitable state businesses as well as the private sector. Factors abounded that led to the new contradictions which the regime in place failed to control. These included the impoverishment of the people (especially the youth), scarcity of land and high population growth. In 1990, the country registered an average of 285 inhabitants per kilometre square, with a growth rate of 3.5 per cent and a fertility index of 8.5 children per woman, agricultural uncertainty, urban development and many other phenomena. The official pronouncements were still oriented to the myth of an egalitarian society. The regime took advantage of the people’s poverty and promised them many things (money, cows and land) in order to mobilise them when the government felt that its interests were threatened. Like in the Kayibanda years, the history of Habyarimana’s regime was plagued by the exclusion of the largest section of the Rwandan society. The institutionalisation of the ethnic and regional balance established quotas, which excluded Tutsi, as well as Hutu from the rest of Rwanda (apart from those of Gisenyi and Ruhengeri, who enjoyed a big portion of the national cake). During the 1980s, power was concentrated in the hands of people from Bushiru and especially members of a small clique of family members related to the first lady, referred to as Akazu. The concentration of power was accompanied by amassing property and riches in the country by the group and its associates. This was linked to self-enrichment and corruption of the political leaders and military generals.
